München: Dieser programmatische Aufsatz ist höchst beachtenswert, insbesondere weil er aus dem Dt. Kinderschutzbund kommt; getragen vom Anliegen des Schutzes kindlicher Integrität kommt er zu Schlüssen, die eine Brücke, zwischen Kinderschutz- und Pädobewegung öffnen. Hier wie dort wird nämlich (unter anderem) die prinzipielle Unterscheidung zwischen sexueller Ausbeutung auf der einen Seite und (auch) vom Kind gewollter Sexualität (mit Erwachsenen) auf der anderen Seite gefordert; hier wie dort das Recht des Kindes, zu letzterer nicht nur "nein" sondern auch "ja" sagen zu können. Das Prinzip "Hilfe, nicht Strafe" hat für Opfer und Täter zu gelten, ebenso wie verstehendes und nicht klischeegeleitetes, erregtes Handeln.
Cite (Brongersma): Enige jaren geleden berichtten de Nederlandse media over de droevige belevingen van een wat schuwe, verlegen, twaalfjarige jongen uit Eindhoven. Door toeval had hij een ingenieur leren kennen en diens vriendschap had zijn leven veranderd. Hij kwam los, kreeg kameraden, werd opgewekter en ging op school goed vooruit. Zijn vader, die een nogal armoedig en beperkt bestaan had, was erg blij met deze ontwikeling en moedigde hun vriendschapsverhouding aan. Door ontsporingen van een oudere broer kwam een maatschappelijk werkster in contact met het gezin en ontdekte wat er aan de hand was. Zij voelde zich zedelijk verplicht, aan deze toestand een eind te maken. Zij dreigde de vader met verlies van de ouderlijke macht als hij zijn zoon niet naar een opvoedingsgesticht stuurde, waar strenge tucht heerste en de jongen fatsoen en moraal zou leren. Ook bewerkte ze dat de ingenieur zijn baan bij een grote industrie ter plaatse kwijtraakte. Na drie mensen in het ongeluk te hebben gestort, kon ze met voldoening de zege vieren van een godsdienst, welks stichter geleerd had dat levende mensen er meer op aankomen dan dode regels. Ingrijpen door verstandige derden wist tenminste nog iets te herstellen: de jongen kwam terecht in een pleeggezin dat hem de verder omgang met zijn grote vriend toestond.
Cite (Virkkunen): In their study, which is the most definitive work on sex offenders, Gebhard et al. found that among "heterosexual offenders vs. children", in contrast to "heterosexual aggressors vs. children", 16.4% of the children, according to official records, had encouraged the sexual advances, 8.2% had been passive and 75.4% had resisted. According to the offenders, however, 48.4% had encouraged the sexual advances, 36.9% had been passive, and only 14.6% had resisted. So there was a very clear difference between the official records and the information of the offenders. It is important to notice that these cases did not include any heterosexual pedophiliac crimes where there had been violence or clear threats.
Among "homosexual offenders vs. children" Gebhard et al. found that 70% of the offenders said the boy had encouraged the sexual advances, or had been passive, which corresponded with the official records. In another 19% of the crimes there was agreement on the fact that the boys had resisted. In a further 8%, however, officially recorded resistance was denied by the offenders. In 3% of the cases some resistance had followed the initial acceptance. The investigators themselves considered that the boys resisted the sexual overtures in only one-quarter or one-third of the cases. This seems to indicate the cooperation of many of the victims, and the fact that the use of physical force was rare lends further support to the above supposition.
Idem (on "heterosexual aggressors"): According to Gebhard et al. the official records stated that the victim had resisted in 95% of these cases. The offenders themselves said that this had happened in 65% of the cases. Thus, even according to the confessions, the percentage was remarkably high. The crimes were usually very impulsive and committed under the influence of alcohol, which of course also implies a total lack of cooperation on the victim's part.
In the study of Gebhard et al. there were 199 "heterosexual offenders vs. children" but only 25 "heterosexual aggressors vs. children", which agrees with the fact that these criminals are not very usual among pedophiliac offenders.
Cite (Brongersma): Onder de druk van een politieverhoor zal het kind natuurlijk trachten zijn eigen aandeel in het gebeurde te verkleinen. Bovendien is de politie niet geneigd om het aandeel van de volwassene kleiner voor te stellen dan het is. Des te sprekender is daarom de volgende statistiek, gebaseerd op politieverslagen betreffende zwaardere seksuele misdrijven, waarvoor de rechter naderhand gevangenisstraffen oplegde:
| jongens van | 0-11 jaar | 12-15 jaar |
| hadden het seksgedrag aangemoedigd | 52.3% | 70.3% |
| hadden het passief ondergaan | 6.8% | 11.0% |
| hadden zich half aanmoedigend, | ||
| half passief gedragen | 0.0% | 2.2% |
| hadden zich verzet | 40.9% | 16.5% |
Idem: Allereerst de cijfers van Gebhard over Amerikaanse gevangenen.
| Handelingen met jongens | van 0-11 jaar | van 12-14 jaar |
| Betasten van het lichaam | 8,2% | 7,4% |
| maar niet van de geslachtsdelen | ||
| Aftrekken | 45,0% | 19,4% |
| Oraal verkeer | 37,6% | 48,6% |
| Oraal en anaal verkeer | 2,8% | 3,4% |
| Anaal verkeer | 3,7% | 10,4% |
PRD: This appears in a hyper-'correct' journal with a hideously negative attitude (where else would you find articles on 'satanic abuse networks' being taken seriously?), but this is an interesting admission that many children who have been 'caught' in consenting relationships are often very resistant to their subsequent regime of 'therapy' - a 'therapy' which medicalises the love they have experienced, denies the validity of their own feelings, and which tells them that their loved adult was 'bad'. Of course, the author can't see children's resistance as evidence that many children in consenting relationships might not want p sychotherapy, but rather he sees resistance as just a 'problem' to be overcome by more rigourous coercive practices.
München: "Ich will die Pädophilie nicht austreiben, sondern ich frage: Welche Schäden fügen wir uns, vor allem den Kindern und Jugendlichen zu, wenn wir eine Sexualisierung der Beziehungen zwischen den Generationen unter allen Umständen zu verhindern versuchen.", schreibt der Hannoveraner Erziehungswissenschaftler. Gegen Ende des kurzen Aufsatzes schildert Kentler ein Beispiel aus einem von ihm sozialpädagogisch betreuten Projekt: das Berliner Jugendamt richtete u.a. bei bekannten Päderasten Pflegestellen für Strichjungen ein. Der hübsche aber verwahrloste 13-jährige Ulrich wollte und kam zu "Mutter" Winter. Dort blieb er vier Jahre und zog erst aus, als er sich für Mädchen zu interessieren begann. Bis dahin hatte Ulrich enorme Fortschritte gemacht und arbeitete auch nachher dauerhaft in einer Stelle als beliebter und zuverlässiger Hilfsarbeiter.
Child sexual abuse prevention programs have traditionally directed efforts at children. However, sound prevention efforts may eventually depend more on programs aimed at adults. Alternative approaches based upon the etiology and the sustaining and maintaining factors of abuse are discussed. Such programs may include education about normal sexual development, efforts to increase the inhibitions against abuse for potential abusers, and therapeutic interventions for adults who are sexually aroused by children.
DD: Interestingly variable in the acceptability from our point of view. On the one hand some good advise, as well as a realisation that not all 'sexual abuse' is harmful, on the other hand claims that a child is inherently unable to consent to sexual contacts.
München: ``Wie gestalten Normen und Werte unser Denken, Fühlen und Verhalten im Reich geschlechtlicher Lust. Wie werden Sexualnormen gerechtfertigt und durchgesetzt?'' Drei Beiträge beziehen sich auf Pädosexualität.
We investigated the relationship between the MMPI and penile plethysmograph in a sample of 90 alleged child molesters. Men who had been accused of molesting a prepubertal child were divided into two groups on the basis of penile plethysmograph results (Deviant and Non-Deviant Profiles). The MMPI scales were used to predict group membership using discriminant function analysis. The results revealed that the MMPI scores were statistically related to the penile plethysmographic profiles. However, MMPI code types were equally distributed across groups, and no single profile could be described as characteristic of men who exhibited pedophilic arousal using the penile plethysmograph results. Approximately one third of men were misclassified on the basis of MMPI scores alone. Our results extend previous findings showing that accused child molesters constitute a heterogeneous group. L. van Naerssen: Pedofilie, een controverse in de seksuologie. Tijdschrift voor Seksuologie 13:2 (1989), pp. 95-100.
Lezing, waarvan het kernthema is dat pedofielen niet bestaan, alleen het oppervlakkige label pedofilie. Context van seksueel gedrag, -verlangen en -labeling wordt uitgebreid behandeld om te laten zien dat (zelf-)benoeming de werkelijkheid veel eenduidiger doet voorkomen dan zij is. - Het artikel wordt gevolgd door twee andere: J. Drenth, 'Pedofilie vanuit de optiek van de hulpverlener', en A. Vansteenwegen, 'Pedofilie: enkele controversiele reflecties', die als opponerende lezingen op dezelfde studiedag gehouden werden (blz. 101-110).
When I first saw the draft programme of this conference a year ago at the International Academy of Sex Research annual meeting in Paris, I saw that paedophilia was to be discussed in a workshop on Violence and Sexuality along with rape, as though paedophilic behaviour is inevitably a form of violence.
In a tabloid newspaper article, I might have supposed this to be an unconscious assumption, but coming from the organisers of a conference of sexologists it struck me as more likely to be an entirely conscious ideological assertion, probably owing its origins more to very general feminist insights into violence, particularly male violence, than to detailed knowledge of paedophilia itself. That feminism should be suspected of having great influence on a scientifically oriented body such as the WCS is a tribute I am happy to pay to a movement which in the last three decades has contributed immeasurably to the debate on society and sexuality in every serious forum of relevance. The WCS may wish to disown any such direct connection but I nonetheless feel it is important to explore this theme of "violence" and to take a hard look at the limitations of its validity.
This article critically reviews the literature related to personality correlates of pedophilia. It is noted that the "slippage" of legal and moral constructs into operational criteria and research methodology in this field have created impediments to sound professional consensus and the accumulation of a coherent data base. When the construct "pedophile" was separated from the construct "sex offender against a minor," there were no reliable findings regarding "pedophiles." "Sex offenders against minors" were noted fairly consistently to have experienced early disturbances in mother relationships and were found for the most part to be non-violent and not aroused by sexually aggressive stimuli involving children (although a smaller portion were violent and/or were aroused by such stimuli). A subgroup of these offenders displayed the passive, lonely and shy profile frequently thought to be associated with the pedophile, although such tendencies were not clinically significant and were similar to profiles found among other types of sex offenders. With the exception of the tautological diagnosis of "sexual deviate," little clinically significant pathology was found among either "pedophiles" or "sex offenders against minors." Recommendations are made for more productive approaches for future research.
Cite (Jones): Riddle's review of the literature shows how children - those who will be involved in homosexual behavior as well as those who will not - might well benefit from gay role models [...].
This study examined the ways in which human sexuality textbooks (HSTs) covered the psychological correlates of adult-nonadult sex. 14 HSTs, containing correlates, consequences, or effects of adult-nonadult sex were coded by 5 coders. 13 items were developed for the coders, such as, use of clinical/legal samples, range of reactions, sex differences, generalizability, and causal attributions. Results show that 9 HSTs presented highly biased information, 3 were moderately biased, and 2 were unbiased. Bias in reporting correlates was indicated by an over reliance on findings from clinical and legal samples, exaggerated reports of the extent and typical intensity of harm, failure to separate incestuous from nonincestuous experiences, failure to separate male and female experiences and reactions, and inappropriate generalizations and causal attributions. Over reliance on using reports from clinical and legal samples resulted in many of the other biases.
Consistent with lay and professional views, Masters, Johnson, and Kolodny (1985), in an early edition of their human sexuality textbook, presented man-man sex as normal and acceptable but man-boy sex as pathological and unacceptable Despite drawing these moral distinctions, they used a series of examples of socially sanctioned man-boy sex in other cultures to provide perspective on Western man-man sex, suggesting its normalcy and potential to be socially accepted. They ignored these same examples when discussing Western man-boy sex. This paper examines the biased use of cross-cultural and historical data on homosexuality in a sample of more recent human sexuality textbook (n = 18). A brief review of male homosexuality in other times and places is presented which shows the prevalence of man-boy sex, but the rarity of the Western man-man pattern, cross-culturally and historically. This finding further questions the practice of using man-boy examples for Western man-man, but not man-boy, sex. Seventeen of the textbooks in the current sample exhibited the same biases found in the earlier Masters et al. textbook. Only one used man-boy examples in other societies for perspective on Western man-boy sex. It is argued that these biases hinder rather than advance the objectivity that can result from the proper use of cross-cultural and historical perspective.
Conclusion: Like gender, sexuality is political. It is organized into systems of power, which reward and encourage some individuals and activities, while punishing and suppressing others. Like the capitalist organization of labor and its distribution of rewards and powers, the modern sexual system has been the object of political struggle since it emerged and as it has evolved. But if the disputes between labor and capital are mystified, sexual conflicts are completely camouflaged.
The legislative restructuring that took place at the end of the nineteenth century and in the early decades of the twentieth was a refracted response to the emergence of the modern erotic system. During that period, new erotic communities formed. It became possible to be a male homosexual or a lesbian in a way it had not been previously. Mass-produced erotica became available, and the possibilities for sexual commerce expanded. The first homosexual rights organizations were formed, and the first analysis of sexual oppression were articulated.
The repression of the 1950s was in part a backlash to the expansion of sexual communities and possibilities which took place during World War II. 95 During the 1950s, gay rights organizations were established, the Kinsey reports were published, and lesbian literature flourished. The 1950s were a formative as well as a repressive era. The current right-wing sexual counter-offensive is in part a reaction to the sexual liberalization of the 1960s and early 1970s. Moreover, it has brought about a unified and self-conscious coalition of sexual radicals. In one sense, what is now occurring is the emergence of a new sexual movement, aware of new issues and seeking a new theoretical basis. The sex wars out on the streets have been partly responsible for provoking a new intellectual focus on sexuality. The sexual system is shifting once again, and we are seeing many symptoms of its change.
In Western culture, sex is taken all too seriously. A person is not considered immoral, is not sent to prison, and is not expelled from her or his family, for enjoying spicy cuisine. But an individual may go through all this and more for enjoying shoe leather. Ultimately, of what possible social significance it is if a person likes to masturbate over a shoe? It may even be non-consensual, bur since we do not ask permission of our shoes to wear them, it hardly seems necessary to obtain dispensation to come on them. If sex is taken too seriously, sexual persecution is not taken seriously enough. There is systematic mistreatment of individuals and communities on the basis of erotic taste or behavior. There are serious penalties for belonging to the various sexual occupational castes. The sexuality of the young is denied, adult sexuality is often treated like a variety of nuclear waste, and the graphic representation of sex takes place in a mire of legal and social circumlocution. Specific populations bear the brunt of the current system of erotic power, but their persecution upholds a system that affects everyone.
The 1980s have already been a time of great sexual suffering. They have also been a time of ferment and new possibility. It is up to all of us to try to prevent more barbarism and to encourage erotic creativity. Those who consider themselves progressive need to examine their preconceptions, update their sexual educations, and acquaint themselves with the existence and operation of sexual hierarchy. It is time to recognize the political dimensions of erotic life.
A discussion of whether it is useful to consider paedophilia as an identity. After a short discussion on what pedophilia is, Sandfort notes that a positive paedophile self-image and contact with other paedophiles appear to have a positive effect for paedophiles. However, the question 'Am I a paedophile?' is in itself irrelevant. More important are questions such as:
DD: A study into female pedophilia: Does it exist, what is it like, the public image of pedophilia and child sexuality.
München: Radikalisierter Ansatz des "Dressierten Kindes". Mythen über die unschuldige Kindheit werden weiter entzaubert: Viele Kinder wollen verführt werden und sehnen sich nach "Rattenfängern", die sie aus dem Gefängnis der Familie und der Schule entführen.
Quote: Es ist ein positiver Aspekt der Freud'schen These zu zeigen, daß gegen die auch heute noch weit verbreitete Meinung das erste Sexualobjekt im Verlangen des Kindes ein Erwachsener ist und nicht das gleichaltrige Kind ...; dieser Erwachsene jedoch wird ihm verweigert oder muß sich ihm verweigern, und das Verlangen wird verdrängt. ... Der Pädophile ist also nur der Erwachsene, dem es möglich ist, im Kind eine verschüttete puerile Erotik aufzuwecken.
DD: Kritiek op een rapport van Lanning, dat poogt een overzicht te geven van de kenmerken die gebruikt worden om pedofielen te identificeren. De belangrijkste kritiekpunten zijn:
Vrolijk: Over jongens, de ontwikkeling van hun penis, en de besnijdenis: hoe gebeurt het en hoe ervaren jongens het. Met het dagboek van een besneden puber.
München: Der Autor bringt die zerstörerischen Kräfte der Zivilisation, Überforderung der Eltern und lieblose Behandlung der Kinder in einen großen Zusammenhang mit Pädophilie. Seine Sichtweise ist zwar eindeutig pro-pädophil, aber durch die sehr klare und überzeugende Argumentation ernstzunehmen.
Cite (Virkkunen): It is important to notice that, especially as regards the offenders, there seems to be certain diagnostic categories in which no participation of the victim is found, or only in a very few exceptional cases. Such is the case at least when the offender is a person who has an antisocial personality (sociopathy). [...]
In a study of offenders in pedophiliac cases, Virkkunen (1976) compared those who had an antisocial personality (subjects) with "ordinary" pedophiliac offenders, who had not. The average age of the subjects was 29.9 years; the controls were a little older, their ages averaging 37.8 years. The clearest differences between subjects and controls were found in the total number of recorded crimes of all kinds and, especially, in previous offences against property and sexual offences. A further difference was revealed by ascertaining whether the offender had already been hyperactive in childhood and unable to concentrate (attention deficit disorder). The majority of the subjects were such.
Earlier sexual activity and marriages were more common among subjects than controls. Thus, the controls (i.e. the "ordinary" pedophiliac offenders, whose crimes were often victim-precipitated) had obviously experienced even greater, and more frequent difficulties in creating contacts, particularly with the opposite sex. This was also apparent from the fact that controls were happier in the company of minors and more childish for their age, as well as more shy and more timid, than the subjects were. The intelligence level was in both groups rather low, but more clearly so in the controls. (The average IQ was 90 among subjects and 81 among controls.)